December 3, 2011

Bertrand Russell

Green Army: Persons of Interest


Reason may be a small force, but it is constant, and works always in one direction, while the forces of unreason destroy one another in futile strife.

— Bertrand Russell (1872 – 1970), The Harm That Good Men Do, 1926.


[The universe] is written in the language of mathematics, and its characters are triangles, circles and other geometric figures, without which it is humanly impossible to understand a single word of it.

— Galileo Galilei (1564 – 1642), The Assayer, 1623.


Johannes Kepler (1571 - 1630):
My aim is to show that the heavenly machine is not a kind of divine, live being, but a kind of clockwork … in so far as nearly all the manifold motions are caused by a most simple, magnetic, and material force, just as all motions of the clock are caused by a simple weight.
(Letter to Hans Herwart)

Nicolaus Copernicus (1473 – 1543):
All the spheres revolve about the sun as their mid-point, and therefore the sun is the center of the universe. …
[And the Earth] performs a complete rotation on its fixed poles in a daily motion.
(Commentariolus, 1514)

The harmony of the whole world teaches us their truth, if only — as they say — we would look at the thing with both eyes.
(On the Revolution of the Heavenly Spheres, 1543)

Martin Luther (1483 – 1546):
People give ear to an upstart astrologer who strove to show that the earth revolves, not the heavens or the firmament, the sun and the moon.
Whoever wishes to appear clever must devise some new system, which of all systems is of course the very best.
This fool wishes to reverse the entire science of astronomy; but sacred Scripture tells us that Joshua commanded the sun to stand still, and not the earth.

John Calvin (1509 – 64):
Who will venture to place the authority of Copernicus above that of the Holy Spirit?

Augustine of Hippo (354 – 430):
There is another form of temptation, even more fraught with danger.
This is the disease of curiosity.
It is this which drives us to try and discover the secrets of nature.
Those secrets:
  • which are beyond our understanding,
  • which can avail us nothing, and
  • which man should not wish to learn.
(Confessions, Book X, Chapter 35)

John Locke (1632 - 1704):
Good men are men still liable to mistakes, and are sometimes warmly engaged in errors, which they take for divine truths, shining in their minds with the clearest light. …
[Thus, it becomes] all men to maintain peace and the common offices of humanity and friendship in the diversity of opinions, since we cannot reasonably expect that any one should readily arid obsequiously quit his own opinion, and embrace ours with a blind resignation to an authority which the understanding of man acknowledges not. …
For where is the man that has uncontestable evidence of the truth of all that he holds, or of the falsehood of all he condemns …
(Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 1690)

Bertrand Russell (1872 – 1970)


Science does not aim at establishing immutable truths and eternal dogmas: its aim is to approach the truth by successive approximations, without claiming that at any stage final and complete accuracy has been achieved.

(ABC of Relativity, 4th Edition, 1925, p 113)


Philosophers have too often … permitted themselves to pronounce on empirical questions, and found themselves, as a result, in disastrous conflict with well-attested facts.
(p 13)

It is a commonplace that happiness is not best achieved by those who seek it directly; and it would seem that the same is true of the good.
In thought, at any rate, those who forget good and evil and seek only to know the facts are more likely to achieve good than those who view the world through the distorting medium of their own desires.

(Our Knowledge of the External World, 1914 / 2009, p 23)


The growth of electronic and communication engineering … is transforming the world under our very eyes in a manner more radical [than even the industrial revolution.]

(The Wisdom of the West, MacDonald, 1959, p 300)


If a man is offered a fact which goes against his instincts, he will scrutinize it closely, and unless the evidence is overwhelming, he will refuse to believe it.
If, on the other hand, he is offered something which affords a reason for acting in accordance with his instincts, he will accept it even on the slenderest evidence.


The men who advocate an unpopular reform are exceptional in disinterestedness and zeal for the public good; but those who hold power after the reform has been carried out are likely to belong, in the main, to the ambitious executive type which has in all ages possessed itself of the government of nations.
And this type has never shown itself tolerant of opposition or friendly to freedom.


The glorification of the State, and the doctrine that it is every citizen's duty to serve the State, are radically against progress and against liberty.
The State, though at present a source of much evil, is also a means to certain good things, and will be needed so long as violent and destructive impulses remain common.
But it is MERELY a means, and a means which needs to be very carefully and sparingly used if it is not to do more harm than good.
It is not the State, but the community, the worldwide community of all human beings present and future, that we ought to serve.
And a good community does not spring from the glory of the State, but
  • from the unfettered development of individuals:
  • from happiness in daily life,
  • from congenial work giving opportunity for whatever constructiveness each man or woman may possess,
  • from free personal relations embodying love and taking away the roots of envy in thwarted capacity from affection, and above all
  • from the joy of life and its expression in the spontaneous creations of art and science.
It is these things that make an age or a nation worthy of existence, and these things are not to be secured by bowing down before the State.
It is the individual in whom all that is good must be realized, and the free growth of the individual must be the supreme end of a political system which is to re-fashion the world.

(Proposed Roads to Freedom, 1918 / 2014)


Sceptical Essays (1928)


As war becomes more scientific it becomes more expensive, so that the leading financiers of the world, if they combined, could decide the issue by giving or withholding loans.
And by the sort of pressure which has been brought to bear upon Germany since the Treaty of Versailles they could secure the virtual disarmament of any group that they dislike.
In this way they would gradually come to control all the large armed forces of the world.
(p 204)

[If] our civilisation continues much longer to pursue the interests of the rich, it is doomed.
It is because I do not desire the collapse of civilisation that I am a socialist.
(p 213)

Perhaps in time men may come to feel that intelligence is an asset to a community, but I cannot say that I see much sign of any movement in this direction.
(p 201)

Credulity is a greater evil in the present day than it ever was before, because,
  • owing to the growth of education, it is much easier than it used to be to spread information, and
  • owing to democracy, the spread of misinformation is more important than in former times to the holders of power.
(p 142)

It may be laid down broadly that irrationalism, ie, disbelief in objective fact, arises almost always from the desire
  • to assert something for which there is no evidence, or
  • to deny something for which there is very good evidence.
(p 34)

The scepticism that I advocate amounts only to this:
  1. that when the experts are agreed, the opposite opinion cannot be held to be certain;
  2. that when they are not agreed, no opinion can be regarded as certain by a non-expert; and
  3. that when they all hold that no sufficient grounds for a positive opinion exist, the ordinary man would do well to suspend his judgment.
(p 2)

Understanding of human nature must be the basis of any real improvement in human life.
Science has done wonders in mastering the laws of the physical world, but our own nature is much less understood, as yet, than the nature of stars and electrons.
When science learns to understand human nature, it will be able to bring a happiness into our lives which machines and the physical sciences have failed to create.
(p 70)

We do not like to be robbed of an enemy; we want someone to [blame] when we suffer.
It is so depressing to think that we suffer because we are fools; yet, taking mankind in the mass, that is the truth.
For this reason, no political party can acquire any driving force except through hatred …
If so-and-so’s wickedness is the sole cause of our misery, let us punish so-and-so and we shall be happy.
(p 114)

I am myself a dissenter from all known religions, and I hope that every kind of religious belief will die out.
I do not believe that, on the balance, religious belief has been a force for good.
Although I am prepared to admit that in certain times and places it has had some good effects, I regard it as belonging
  • to the infancy of human reason, and
  • to a stage of development which we are now outgrowing.
(p 125)

None of our beliefs are quite true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error.
The methods of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they consist in
  • hearing all sides,
  • trying to ascertain all the relevant facts,
  • controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the opposite bias, and
  • cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis which has proved inadequate.
These methods are practised in science, and have built up the body of scientific knowledge.
(p 129)

There are two simple principles which, if they were adopted, would solve almost all social problems.
  • The first is that education should have for one of its aims to teach people only to believe propositions when there is some reason to think that they are true.
  • The second is that jobs should be given solely for fitness to do the work.
(p 140)

With regard to any science, there are two kinds of effects which it may have.
  • On the one hand, experts may make inventions or discoveries which can be utilised by the holders of power.
  • On the other hand, the science may influence imagination, and so alter people’s analogies and expectations.
There is, strictly speaking, a third kind of effect, namely, a change in manner of life with all its consequences.
(p 174)

[The] individualist philosophy to which [an American] is accustomed prevents him from imagining that there is anything to be gained by collective action.
There is, therefore, no effective opposition to the holders of power, who remain free to enjoy the advantages of a social system which gives them wealth and world-wide influence. …

In a stable social system there must be some method of making the less fortunate acquiesce in their lot, and this is usually some kind of creed.
But in order to secure widespread acceptance, a creed has to offer advantages to the whole community sufficiently great to compensate for the injustices which it condones.
In America, [Capitalism] offers:
  • technical progress, and
  • [an] increase in the general standard of material comfort.
[However, it] may not be able to go on providing the latter indefinitely …
(p 192)

[At the] latest, some time during the twenty-first century, there must be either a cataclysm or a central authority controlling the whole world.
I shall assume that civilised mankind will have enough sense, or that America will have enough power, to prevent a cataclysm involving a return to barbarism.
(p 204)

[It] will become essential to the preservation of peace and well-being that the backward nations shall limit the increase of population, as the more civilised nations are already doing.
Those who in principle oppose birth control are either incapable of arithmetic or else in favour of war, pestilence and famine as permanent features of human life. …

I believe that the problem of organising the world as a single economic and political unit will have to be solved before questions of justice can be tackled uccessfully.
I am an international socialist, but I expect to see internationalism realised sooner than Socialism.
(p 206)


Killing Your Way to Paradise


Odo of Châtillon (c1035 – 99) [Pope Urban II, 1088 – 99]:
[Let] this one cry be raised by all the soldiers of God:
It is the will of God!
(Summons to the First Crusade, Council of Clermont, 1095)

Bertrand Russell (1872 – 1970):
The Anabaptists repudiated all law, since they held that the good man will be guided at every moment by the Holy Spirit, who cannot be bound by formulas.
From this premiss they arrive at communism and sexual promiscuity; they were, therefore, exterminated after a heroic resistance.
(p 20)

Gradually weariness resulting from the wars of religion led to the growth of belief in religious toleration, which was one of the sources of the movement which developed into eighteenth- and nineteenth-century liberalism.
The Thirty Years' War persuaded everybody that neither Protestants nor Catholics could be completely victorious …
(A History of Western Philosophy, 1945/61, pp 510-1)

Steven Pinker (1954):
The Peace of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years’ War in 1648, [was decried by Pope Innocent X as] "null, void, invalid, unjust, damnable, reprobate, inane, [and] empty of meaning and effect for all time."
(p 143)

In the 13th century the Cathars of southern France embraced the Albigensian heresy, according to which there are two gods, one of good and one of evil.
An infuriated papacy, in collusion with the king of France, sent waves of armies to the region [to eradicate them.]
(The Better Angels of Our Nature, Penguin, 2011, pp 140-1)

Martin Luther (1483 – 1546):
[The Jews should be dealt with in the same fashion as a surgeon treats a gangrenous limb:]
Cut, saw, and burn flesh, veins, bone, and marrow. …
Burn down their synagogues …
[Deal] harshly with them, as Moses did in the wilderness, slaying 3,000 lest the whole people perish …
If this does not help we must drive them out like mad dogs, so that we do not become partakers of their abominable blasphemy and all their other vices and thus merit God's wrath and be damned with them.

… I advise that:
  • usury be prohibited to them, and …
  • all cash and treasure of silver and gold be taken from them and put aside for safekeeping.
[Let] them earn their bread in the sweat of their brow …
For it is not fitting that they should … idle away their time behind the stove, feasting and farting and, on top of all, boasting blasphemously of their lordship over the Christians by means of our sweat.
(On the Jews and Their Lies, 1542)


Death Tolls of Christian Wars and Massacres

(Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature, 2011, note 28, pp 140-1 & 704, adapted)
Thirty Years’ War7,500,000
Crusades3,000,000
Huguenot Wars2,800,000
Albigensian Crusade450,000
Spanish Inquisition350,000


An Outline of Intellectual Rubbish (1943)


The follies of our own times are easier to bear when they are seen against the background of past follies. …

Venereal disease is God's punishment for sin.
It is true that, through a guilty husband, this punishment may fall on an innocent woman and her children, but this is a mysterious dispensation of Providence, which it would be impious to question. …
Since it is the appointed penalty for sin, all measures for its avoidance are also sin—except, of course, a virtuous life. …

Tolstoy and Mahatma Gandhi, in their old age, laid it down that all sexual intercourse is wicked, even in marriage and with view to offspring. …

We are told that sin consists in disobedience to God's commands, but we are also told that God is omnipotent.
If He is, nothing contrary to His will can occur; therefore when the sinner disobeys His commands, He must have intended this to happen. …
[So, if it is God that] causes men to sin, [how can it be] fair to send them to hell for what they cannot [help? …]

When anaesthetics were discovered, pious people considered them an attempt to evade the will of God.
It was pointed out, however, that when God extracted Adam's rib He put him into a deep sleep
This proved that anaesthetics are all right for men; women, however, ought to suffer, because of the curse of Eve.
In the West votes for women proved this doctrine mistaken, but in Japan, to this day, women in childbirth are not allowed any alleviation through anaesthetics.
As the Japanese do not believe in Genesis, this piece of sadism must have some other justification. …

There is no nonsense so arrant that it cannot be made the creed of the vast majority by adequate governmental action. …
No one can deny … that it is easy, given military power, to produce a population of fanatical lunatics. …

By instilling nonsense, [education] unifies populations and generates collective enthusiasm.
If all governments taught the same nonsense, the harm would not be so great.
Unfortunately each has its own brand, and the diversity serves to produce hostility between the devotees of different creeds. …

Man is a credulous animal, and must believe something; in the absence of good grounds for belief, he will be satisfied with bad ones.

Modern theological opponents of birth control … pretend to think that God will provide, however many mouths there may be to feed.
They ignore the fact that He has never done so hitherto, but has left mankind exposed to periodical famines in which millions died of hunger. …
By their own theology, most of the children whom their opposition to birth control will cause to exist will go to hell.
We must suppose, therefore, that they oppose the amelioration of life on earth because they think it a good thing that many millions should suffer eternal torment. …

Thinking that you know when in fact you don't is a fatal mistake, to which we are all prone. …
The most savage controversies are those about matters as to which there is no good evidence either way.
Persecution is used in theology, not in arithmetic, because
  • in arithmetic there is knowledge, but
  • in theology there is only opinion.
So whenever you find yourself getting angry about a difference of opinion, be on your guard …
[You] will probably find, on examination, that your belief is going beyond what the evidence warrants. …

When the Romans won victories in the Punic wars, the Carthaginians became persuaded that their misfortunes were due to a certain laxity which had crept into the worship of Moloch.
Moloch liked having children sacrificed to him, and preferred them aristocratic; but the noble families of Carthage had adopted the practice of surreptitiously substituting plebeian children for their own offspring.
This, it was thought, had displeased the god, and at the worst moments even the most aristocratic children were duly consumed in the fire.
Strange to say, the Romans were victorious in spite of this democratic reform on the part of their enemies. …

Collective fear stimulates herd instinct, and tends to produce ferocity toward those who are not regarded as members of the herd. …
[So] it is to be feared that the Nazis, as defeat draws nearer, will increase the intensity of their campaign for exterminating Jews.
Fear generates impulses of cruelty, and therefore promotes such superstitious beliefs as seem to justify cruelty.


In Praise of Aristocracy


Aristotle (384 – 22 BCE):
Citizens should not lead the life of mechanics or tradesmen, for such a life is ignoble and inimical to virtue.

Scott Stephens:
I do think that social hierarchies are important.
I do think that according roles of public significance the honorability, the nobility that's due [to] them;
I do think that's important.
I think that de Tocqueville was right, that democratic society ultimately cannot survive without some latent sense of an aristocracy; that there is a virtuous class of people who have been set aside to be uncommonly selfless …

Judith Brett (1949) [Emeritus Professor of Politics, Latrobe University]:
I think all that stuff about aristocracy, that [Scott] was going on about, is just rubbish …
[What] we want in a democracy, are politicians who are both representative and larger than life … whereas, the aristocracy were [removed, they] were a different class of people.
We live in democracies; there's no going back to that.
One of the skills … of, say, John Howard, was that he was both able to represent and be recognizable.
People want to be able to recognize in their politicians someone they can … understand and identify with.
Because then, they think, that politician may understand them …

( Faith in politics: Can it be restored?, The Minefield, 6 August 2015)

Quarterly Essay

Green Army: Communications



Greed is Good

Milton Friedman (1912 – 2006):
I am in favor of cutting taxes under any circumstances and for any excuse, for any reason, whenever it’s possible.
(Jordan Ellenberg, Less Like Sweden, How Not To Be Wrong, Part 1, Chapter 1, Penguin, 2014)


Foundation for Young Australians:
Over the past 15 years,
  • incomes of the top 10% have grown [25% faster] than the bottom 90%.
  • Incomes of the top 1% have grown [twice as fast as the bottom 90%, and]
  • incomes of the top 0.1% have grown 2.8 times faster than the bottom 90%.]
(The New Work Order, 4 September 2015, pp 8 & 26)


Nicolas Herault & Francisco Azpitarte [Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research]:
[The] direct effect of tax-transfer policy reforms [in Australia] accounts for half of the observed increase in income inequality between 1999 and 2008 …
(Understanding changes in the distribution and redistribution of income: A unifying decomposition framework, Review of Income and Wealth, 12 December 2014)


George Megalogenis (1964):
This is the part of the Great Recession we did not avoid.
We had imported the AMERICAN DISEASE of budget-busting TAX CUTS FOR THE RICH.
(p 39)

Both sides of politics have fallen for the line that in order to maintain our record run of prosperity you have to squeeze:
  • the employee,
  • the student,
  • the single parent,
  • the consumer
— anyone, really who
  • does not run a business, or
  • own an investment property.
(p 27)

Business has convinced itself that globalisation means it owes no obligation to society other to generate profit.
(p 26)

[Indeed, business has, if anything,] become more presumptuous since [the 2008 global financial crisis:]
  • Give us a cut in the company tax rate.
  • Fund it with an increase in the GST.
There is no economic logic here …
(Balancing Act: Australia Between Recession and Renewal, Quarterly Essay, Issue 61, February 2016, p 27)


Paul Cleary [Senior Writer, The Australian]:
… 90% of a $330 billion revenue windfall [from the 2003 mining boom] was spent by the Howard government in the last few years of office.
(Australia's Mining Boom, 10 April 2016)

Tax Cuts for the Rich, Spending Cuts for the Poor


George Megalogenis (1964)


The default setting of politics in the 21st century — to trust the market — has proven to be bad economics.
It has left us with:
  • gridlocked cities,
  • growing inequality and
  • a corporate sector that feels no obligation to pay tax.
(p 13)

The electoral cycle runs too quickly for the investment cycle, and until the parties adopt a more mature approach, each new government will condemned to repeat the errors of its predecessor as it tries to rewrite the nation's infrastructure policy from scratch.
(p 23)

It is no use pretending that that the private sector can deliver physical infrastructure such as rail lines or roads better than the government.
The market has had two decades to prove otherwise, and its legacy is congestion.
(p 20)

The government must take the lead on physical infrastructure.
Only it has an economy-wide perspective.
The market, left to its own devices, will only build houses.
(p 21)

Household debt was 70% of GDP in 1990.
Today it is more than double that — 185%. …
(p 16)

Deregulation need not have increased household debt to the extent that it has, nor led to a greater concentration of national wealth in the property market.
These are not rational outcomes of a free market, but the result of political decisions to favour one form of investment over all others.
(p 61)

Infrastructure promotes growth, and maintains social cohesion by keeping people connected.
When the economy is weak, it has the bonus of saving jobs.
(p 22)

The danger to social cohesion multiplies because the resources boom has already hollowed out other industries.
The 140,000 new jobs jobs created in mining since 2000 matched an almost identical loss of jobs in manufacturing.
As mining inevitably contracts, where will these men go next?
They cannot simply return to their old workplace, because many of those businesses have closed down [— some driven to the wall by the boom induced high dollar.]
(p 16)

Another round of mass retrenchments is likely as Holden and Toyota wind up their Australian operations in 2017.
The question [for] the Turnbull government [is] whether the public sector can find work for tens of thousands of blue-collar men before they become a political wrecking ball.
(p 17)

Howard changed the budget from being a document primarily concerned with the economy to one with a purpose that was overtly political.
He taught people to expect a handout outside an election campaign, which created a permanent sense of entitlement. …
His successors fell into the same habit, even though the budget was in deficit. …
With each futile attempt to bribe, government wasted another opportunity to reconsider the role of the budget in the twenty-first century.
(pp 42-3)

[Malcolm Turnbull] has to correct for policy errors on the conservative side [of politics] running across two decades:
  • the six most wasteful years of the Howard government from 2001 to 2007, and
  • the six combative years when Abbott led the Liberal Party from 2009 to 2015.
(p 8)

[He needs to remove] the blinkers of ideology and nostalgia from his side of politics in the way Curtin and Hawke once did for Labor.
(p 56)

The Coalition can't lay claim to the future until it adjusts to the two big shocks of our age.
  • The first shock is that the version of capitalism favoured by conservatives is broken.
    The [global financial] crisis entered its ninth year in 2016, which places it in the same category as the global depressions of the 1890s and 1930s. …
  • The second shock is that the international community may finally be ready to tackle climate change. …
    In its first full year of operation, 2014-15, Direct Action saw emissions rise, reversing gains made under Labor's carbon tax. …
No post-war government has increased its majority in its second term, so Turnbull could [after the July 2016 election,] be governing on a parliamentary knife-edge.
(p 57)

The open model was supposed to ensure stability by removing four key prices in the economy from political control:
  • the currency,
  • interest rates,
  • tariffs and
  • wages.
The job of steering the economy passed from government to the invisible hand of the market. …
Governments forgot that markets and central banks can fail just as spectacularly as interventionist politicians.
(p 58)

The logical answer [to rising inequality] is to dramatically increase public investment in education …
But this would require a change of mindset in the Coalition, which supports
  • private systems over public, and
  • the winners of deregulation over the losers.
The onus is on Malcolm Turnbull to repair the social contract before inequality becomes entrenched. …

He said he wants Australia to remain a high-wage society with a generous social safety net. …
[And yet he] presents as a leader who wants to cut taxes further and shrink the size of government. …
  • The tax cuts of the boom years, which favoured higher income earners, and
  • the spending cuts since the global financial crisis, which punished those at the bottom,
overturned a century of political tradition to promote egalitarianism through the federal budget.
Turnbull can't improve the open model by repeating the formula which alienated the electorate in the first place. …

[In the 1980s, Hawke and Keating] cut spending and simplified the tax system, [without reducing] overall revenue.
They explained to the public that they were correcting for the spending errors of the Whitlam era, and Labor supporters accepted the argument.
Turnbull can do the same … by explaining the budget policy mistakes of the Howard era:
  • Too much money … given to those who didn't need it, and
  • too little of it … put aside for the future.
(p 61)

The challenge for government in the twenty-first century is to think for the long term. …
Part of the problem is that the main parties are stuck in the wrong past: they keep looking to the market to fix problems that can only be solved by government. …
If Australia is to stay ahead of the pack, it needs governments that understand markets well enough to know where government belongs.
Otherwise, Australia will become globalisation's next and most unnecessary victim.
(p 63)

(Balancing Act: Australia Between Recession and Renewal, Quarterly Essay, Issue 61, February 2016)

November 14, 2011

Blue Army: Theory and Doctrine

Global War on Disinformation









(Michael Sandel, Justice: Free To Choose, February 2011)



John Rawls (1921 – 2002):
Those who have been favored by nature, whoever they are, may gain from their good fortune, only on terms that improve the situation of those who have lost out.







(Michael Sandel, Justice: What's A Fair Start?, February 2011)

Margaret Thatcher (1925 – 2013):
There is no such thing as society.
There are [only] individual men and women, and there are families.

Karl Marx (1818 – 83):
Society does not consist of individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations — the relations within which these individuals stand.
(Grundrisse, 1858)

Ayn Rand (1905 – 1982):
There is no such entity as:
  • the tribe, or
  • the public.
The tribe, or society, is only a number of individual men.
Nothing can be good for the tribe as such.
Good and value pertain only to … an individual living organism, not to a disembodied aggregate of relationships.

Alexis de Tocqueville (1805 – 59):
When all the members of a community are independent of, or indifferent to, each other, the cooperation of each of them can only be obtained by paying for it; this infinitely multiplies the purposes to which wealth may be applied, and increases its value. …
Men are no longer bound together by ideas, but by interests; and it would seem as if human opinions were reduced to a sort of intellectual dust, scattered on every side, unable to collect, unable to cohere.
(pp 461 & 516)

It is both necessary and desirable that the government of a democratic people should be active and powerful.
[Our] object should not be:
  • to render it weak or indolent, but
  • solely to prevent it from abusing its aptitude and its strength.
(Democracy in America, 1835, p 867, emphasis added)

Thomas Paine (1737 – 1809):
[Government,] even in its best state, is but a necessary evil …
(Common Sense, 1776)

Ronald Reagan (1911 – 2004):
Government is not the solution …
Government is the problem. …

I continue to look to the Scriptures … for fulfilment and for guidance.
Indeed, it is an incontrovertible fact, that all the complex and horrendous questions confronting us at home, and worldwide, have their answer in that single Book. …

Edmund Burke (1729 – 97):
To … love the little platoon we belong to, in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections.
It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love:
  • to our country, and [ultimately]
  • to mankind.
(1790)

November 2, 2011

Green Army: Theory and Doctrine

Global War on Disinformation


Robert Brulle [Sociologist, Drexel University]:
There is no statistical relationship between providing [scientific] information about climate change and levels of public concern. …
[What we really] need to focus on [are the elite cues: opinion leaders] coming to some sort of agreement that climate change is real [and] that we need to address it — before you’re going to see [any change in] public opinion …
(Inside the Climate Change “Countermovement", background interview for Climate of Doubt, PBS Frontline, 30 September, 2012)

George Marshall (1964):
In 2012 … global investment in renewable energy [reached] $244 billion [while] investment into exploration and development of new [oil and gas] reserves broke the $1 trillion barrier.
(Don't Even Think About It, 2014, p 174)