Global War on Disinformation
Money is the God of our time.
— Heinrich Heine (1797 – 1856), March 1841.
[I am for] full, pure, uncontrolled, unregulated laissez-faire capitalism — with a separation of state and economics, in the same way, and for the same reasons, as the separation of state and church.
— Ayn Rand (1905 – 82), The Virtue of Selfishness, 1964.
[We] have involved ourselves in a colossal muddle, having blundered in the control of a delicate machine, the working of which we do not understand.
— John Keynes (1883 – 1946), The Great Slump of 1930, 1930.
[A] refusal to submit to anything we cannot understand, must lead to the destruction of our civilisation.
— Friedrich Hayek (1899 – 1992), The Road to Serfdom, 1944.

We should regard as the most desirable order of society, one that we would choose, if we knew that our initial position in it would be determined purely by chance — such as the fact of our being born into a particular family.
(1940)
[John Keynes] was the one really great man I ever knew, and for whom I had unbounded admiration.
(1946)
[Liberalism is] a modest and even humble creed [with] a low opinion of men’s wisdom and capacities …
(Introduction)
[The] the greatest danger to liberty today comes from [those] efficient expert administrators exclusively concerned with what they regard as the public good.
(
The Decline of Socialism and The Rise of the Welfare State, Chapter 17)
It is … those intoxicated by the advance of knowledge [who] so often become the enemies of freedom …
The more men know, the smaller the share of all that knowledge becomes that any one mind can absorb.
The more civilized we become, the more relatively ignorant must each individual be of the facts on which the working of his civilization depends. …
The argument for liberty is not an argument against organization, which is one of the most powerful tools human reason can employ, but an argument:
- against all exclusive, privileged, monopolistic organization, [and]
- against the use of coercion to prevent others from doing better.
(
The Creative Power of a Free Civilization, Chapter 2)
[Generally speaking,] the conservative does not object to coercion or arbitrary power so long as it is used for what he regards as the right purposes. …
[Like] the socialist, he regards himself as entitled to force the values he holds on other people. …
The typical conservative … has no political principles which enable him to work with people whose moral values differ from his own for a political order in which both can obey their convictions. …
The chief evil [of our time] is unlimited government, and nobody is qualified to wield unlimited power.
The powers which modern democracy possesses would be even more intolerable in the hands of some small elite. …
The liberal differs from the conservative in his willingness
- to face [our] ignorance and
- to admit how little we know,
without claiming the authority of supernatural forces of knowledge where his reason fails him. …
[For the liberal] the spiritual and the temporal are different spheres which ought not to be confused.
(
Why I Am Not a Conservative, Postscript)
Eugene Miller
[Hayek believed] that spontaneous forces of adjustment can [always] be counted on to produce beneficial order and growth in the future as they have in the past …
Friedrich Hayek (1899 – 1992):
[The] self-regulating forces of the market will somehow bring about the required adjustments to new conditions.
(p 182)
[He opposed] efforts to equalise opportunities, arguing that the public’s interest is best served by allowing individuals to make full use of the opportunities available to them, even though:
- these opportunities are limited to a few, and
- inequality is the inevitable outcome.
(p 178)
Hayek points out that some natural resources are diminished by use and are eventually used up, while others can be so managed as to yield a durable stream of benefits.
In either case, however, he has no objection to exhausting a natural resource, if that appears to be the best strategy to maximise income.
The market offers better foresight in these matters than government planning; and one lesson of advancing technology has been that new and unanticipated resources will emerge to replace existing ones. …
He recognises an exception, however, where the aim is not income maximisation, but:
- providing recreational opportunities; and
- preserving natural beauty or sites of historical or scientific interest.
Such amenities render a service to the public at large, providing advantages for which the individual beneficiary cannot be charged a price. …
Voluntary efforts in this field are desirable, but Hayek does not object to government using its compulsory powers to acquire the land needed for such amenities …
(p 175)
[Hayek defended] not only entrepreneurs, but also a leisured class, whose members likely will have grown up … to feel an obligation to take the lead in intellectual, moral and artistic affairs.
In [his view, in] most of the USA, this class [had] almost completely disappeared, so that businessmen now [lacked] intellectual leadership and [had] no ‘coherent and defensible philosophy of life.’
[He believed a] progressive society requires ‘a cultural elite within the propertied class’.
(p 85)
Value is assigned not by central authority but by the market …
Judgements of individual merit are [necessarily] subjective, [whereas market] value is an ‘objective outcome’ …
[And since] the market generally assures that value is rewarded, government’s role is primarily to facilitate market distributions by maintaining the rule of law.
Certainly it has no business pursuing social justice.
(p 88)
Hayek [assumed] that applications of the Rule of Law must be governed by the public interest.
This implies that protection for individual rights can be suspended where the interest of the community requires it.
In
The Constitution of Liberty, Hayek argues [that while] legal guarantees of individual freedom are basic to ‘the normal running of society’ … they are not ‘absolute rights’ that can never be infringed …
Two such cases, which ‘can hardly be disputed,’ are
- curtailing freedom of speech in a situation of ‘clear and present danger’ and
- compulsory land purchase through government’s right of eminent domain.
(p 130)
(
Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty, The Institute of Economic Affairs & Profile Books, 2010)
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Nothing is more clearly written in the book of destiny than the emancipation of the blacks; and it is equally certain that the two races will never live in a state of equal freedom under the same government, so insurmountable are the barriers which nature, habit, and opinions have established between them.
(
Memoirs of Jefferson, M Conseil, Editor)
In every government on earth is some trace of human weakness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy, which cunning will discover and wickedness insensibly open, cultivate and improve.
Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone.
The people themselves therefore are its only safe depositories.
(
Notes on Virginia, quoted by
Carl Sagan,
Demon Haunted World, 1997, p 400)
If the last king can be strangled with the entrails of the last priest, we will have destroyed the institutions that have stood in the way of human freedom.
(
John & Abigail Adams,
PBS American Experience, 1997)
I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past …
(
Letter to John Adams, 1 August 1816)
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