PBS American Experience
John Kennedy (1917 — 63):
I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth.
No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish.
(Special Message, Joint Session of Congress, 25 May 1961)
We choose to go to the Moon.
We choose to go to the Moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard. …
We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding. …
And [so,] as we set sail, we ask God's blessing, on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.
(Rice University Address on the Nation's Space Effort, Houston, Texas, 2 September 1962)
(
The Kennedys,
PBS American Experience, 1992)
(Peter Schnall,
Secrets of the White House, Episode 2, Partisan Pictures, PBS, 2016)
(Peter Schnall,
Secrets of the White House, Episode 1, Partisan Pictures, PBS, 2016)
Robert Kennedy (1925 – 68):
When he shall die,
Take him and cut him out in little stars,
And he shall make the face of heaven so fine
That all the world will be in love with night,
And pay no worship to the garish sun.
(William Shakespeare, Romeo and Juliet, Scene 2, Act 3, 1595)
Aeschylus (c 525/524 – c 456/455 BCE):
[He] who learns must suffer.
And even in our sleep, pain that cannot forget
falls drop by drop upon the heart,
and in our own despite, against our will,
comes wisdom to us by the awful grace of God.
(Agamemnon, Oresteia, 458 BCE)
John Kennedy (1917 – 63):
The greatest enemy of the truth is very often not
- the lie — deliberate, contrived, and dishonest, but
- the myth — persistent, persuasive, and and unrealistic.
Belief in myth allows
- the comfort of opinion, without
- the discomfort of thought.
Robert Kennedy (1925 – 68):
Each time a man
- stands up for an ideal, or
- acts to improve the lot of others, or
- strikes out against injustice,
he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.
(Day of Affirmation Address, 1966)
The question is, whether we can find in our own midst and in our own hearts that leadership of humane purpose that will recognize the terrible truths of our existence.
- We must admit the vanity of our false distinctions among men and learn to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of others.
- We must admit in ourselves that our own children's future cannot be built on the misfortunes of others.
- We must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled or enriched by hatred or revenge.
Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done too great to let [the spirit of division to] flourish any longer in our land.
Of course we cannot vanquish it with a program, nor with a resolution.
But we can perhaps remember, if only for a time,
- that those who live with us are our brothers,
- that they share with us the same short moment of life,
- that they seek, as do we, nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and in happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.
(On The Mindless Menace Of Violence, City Club of Cleveland, Cleveland, Ohio, 5 April 1968)
What I think is quite clear, is that we can work together in the last analysis.
[That] what has been going on in the United States over the period of the last three years: the divisions, the violence, the disenchantment with our society …
The divisions, whether it's
- between Blacks and Whites,
- between the poor and the more affluent, or
- between age groups, or
- on the war in Vietnam …
That we can start to work together.
We are a great country … and a compassionate country. …
(Ambassador Hotel, Los Angeles, 5 June 1968)
Frank Mankeiwsicz [Kennedy Press Aide]:
Senator Robert Francis Kennedy died at 1.44 am today, June 6 1968. …
Edward Kennedy:
[Robert] need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life …
[To] be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who
- saw wrong and tried to right it,
- saw suffering and tried to heal it,
- saw war and tried to stop it.
Those of us who loved him.
And who take him to his rest today.
Pray that, what he was to us, and what he wished for others, will someday come to pass for all the world.
As he said many times …
Some men see things as they are and say why?
I dream things that never were, and say, why not?
(Eulogy)
Wikipedia:
[The shooter] Sirhan Sirhan, a 24-year-old Palestinian … said that he felt betrayed by Kennedy's support for Israel in the June 1967 Six-Day War, which had begun exactly one year before the assassination.
(4 April, 2013)
Chris Matthews:
[Joseph Kennedy Sr opposed the Marshall Plan] for the economic reconstruction of war-torn Europe …
A shrewder plan, he calculated, would be to let the Communists grab Europe, creating economic chaos that would lead to greater opportunities for businessmen like him down the road.
(Jack Kennedy: Elusive Hero, Simon & Schuster, 2011, Reader's Digest, 2013, p 55)
The Common Enemies Of Mankind
Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans:
- born in this century,
- tempered by war,
- disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,
- proud of our ancient heritage, and
- unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights
- to which this nation has always been committed, and
- to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall:
- pay any price,
- bear any burden,
- meet any hardship,
- support any friend, [and]
- oppose any foe;
to assure the survival and the success of liberty. …
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.
- United: there is little we cannot do, in a host of cooperative ventures.
- Divided: there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. …
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge:
[To] assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty [in a new alliance for progress.] …
[To] the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support
- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective
- to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and
- to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. …
[Remembering always] that
- civility is not a sign of weakness, and
- sincerity is always subject to proof. …
[Let all nations join us] in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where:
- the strong are just …
- the weak [are] secure and
- the peace [is] preserved.
[This task] will not be finished in the first one hundred days.
Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.
But let us begin. …
Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. …
Now the trumpet [sounds] again:
- not as a call to bear arms — though arms we need,
- not as a call to battle — though embattled we are,
- but a call to bear the burden of [the] long twilight struggle … against the common enemies of [mankind:]
- tyranny,
- poverty,
- disease, and
- war …
My fellow citizens of the world:
- ask not what America will do for you,
- but what together, we can do for the freedom of man.
(
Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961)
World peace … does not require that each man love his neighbor …
[It] requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement.
[History] teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever.
However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. …
- Peace need not be impracticable, and
- war need not be inevitable. …
[Let us] direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which [our] differences can be resolved.
And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. …
[We] do not need to use threats to prove that we are resolute. …
We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people …
What kind of peace do we seek?
Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.
Not the peace of the grave …
{No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue.}
Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. …
It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn. …
Too many of us think [peace] is impossible. …
But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.
It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable — that mankind is doomed — that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.
We need not accept that view.
Our problems are manmade — therefore, they can be solved by man. …
Let us focus [on a peace based] on a gradual evolution in human institutions …
Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts.
It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation.
For peace is a process — a way of solving problems. …
[It is imperative that the American people not] fall into the same trap as the Soviets …
[Not] to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side …
[Not] to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats. …
[No] nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War.
At least twenty million lost their lives.
Countless millions of homes and farms … burned or sacked.
A third of the nation's territory [turned to wasteland.]
[Should] total war ever break out again — [all] we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first twenty-four hours. …
[We] are both devoting to weapons massive sums of money that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty and disease. …
Above all … nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. …
[We] do not need to use threats to prove that we are resolute. …
We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people …
[We] seek to strengthen the United Nations …
[To] make it a more effective instrument for peace …
[To] develop it into … a system capable
- of resolving disputes on the basis of law,
- of insuring the security of the large and the small and
- of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished. …
[There] can be no doubt that, if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured. …
Our primary long-range interest … is general and complete disarmament — designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. …
[Is] not peace … basically a matter of human rights
- the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation
- the right to breathe air as nature provided it
- the right of future generations to a healthy existence? …
The United States … will never start a war. …
This generation of Americans has already had [more than enough] of war and hate and oppression. …
[We shall] do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.
(
Commencement Address, American University, Washington, 10 June 1963)
The Dream
On November 7th 1979, in Boston,
Rose Kennedy, 89 years old, was ready to campaign once again.
The last of her son's was planning to declare his candidacy for President. …
When [Edward] Kennedy announced, he led 2 to 1 in the polls, but he quickly fell behind President Carter and never regained the lead. …
Times had changed.
The country was moving away from his kind of Liberalism. …
In the end, he lost 24 of the 34 primaries he entered. …
But in his hour of defeat, he spoke with an eloquence that banished, for a moment, all the shadows on the Kennedy legend. …
Edward Kennedy (1932 – 2009):
[May] it be said of us, both in dark passages and in bright days, in the words of Tennyson that my brothers quoted and loved, and that have special meaning for me now:
I am a part of all that I have met …
Tho' much is taken, much abides; [and tho'
We are not now that strength which in old days
Moved earth and heaven,] that which we are, we are;
One equal temper of heroic hearts,
[Made weak by time and fate, but] strong in will
To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. …
(Ulysses, 1842)
For all those whose cares have been our concern:
- the Work goes on,
- the Cause endures,
- the Hope still lives, and
- the Dream shall never die.
(Concession Speech, Democratic National Convention, New York, 12 August 1980)
[The] quest for the Presidency, had finally come to and end for sons of Joseph P Kennedy.
Their father had once been willing to pay any price for power.
He could never have imagined how high that price would be.